Lone Tree Cemetery Survey
1) Introduction

A) Purpose of Survey:
The Lone Tree Cemetery Project was instituted to document a valuable historical resource within the Telluride Valley. Operating under a Certified Local Government grant from the National Park Service and the Colorado Historical Society, the survey consists of several components; mapping of surface markers within cemetery boundaries, photodocumentation of resources, the creation of a data base coupled with a written history, and an educational component which includes both public lectures and a museum exhibit. The Lone Tree Cemetery contributes to the Telluride National Historic Landmark District. The purpose of the survey is to complement previous historical surveys conducted by the Town of Telluride, most notably the Telluride Historic and Architectural Survey for primary and secondary structures within the town limits. The relationship of the cemetery to the town and its history is explored through both research and documentation of individual graves as well as analysis of temporal patterns of death. The resulting product includes a database (Appendix A) of all known deceased within the cemetery. This will allow descendants to locate individual graves and provides historical information when available.

B) Relationship of Survey to the History of Telluride:
It has been estimated that from 1880 to 1920, over 40 million people left their native country for the allure of the United States of America (Schmidt;1980,16). This time frame coincides with the development of the Telluride region from an isolated mining frontier to an established and prosperous community surrounded by high altitude gold and silver mines. The skilled labor force that made such a transition possible often came from foreign lands. Tyroleans from the mountains of northern Italy, Swedes and Finns from the Nordic hinterlands, Welsh and Cornishmen with their legacy of mining, and itinerant American workers all drifted towards a familiar mountain environment where work was prevalent, fellow countrymen already established, and wages paid in U.S. dollars. The potential for death was ever present; mining accidents and snowslides, transportation mishaps, epidemics, and for the lucky few, old age. Often the cause of death was noted as "Killed in the mines." Many times the offspring of this initial wave of immigrants remained in the area, and a pattern of the separateness of cultures punctuated by the closeness brought upon by an isolated community is reflected in the Lone Tree Cemetery. Headstones reflect ethnicity. Non-Anglicized names with epitaphs in foreign languages accent the cemetery. Headstones and burial crypts are generally frugal, reflecting a working class sensibility. Catholics and Protestants are buried next to each other, as are Slavs and Italians and Coloradans. Family plots unite families in death, indicating the roots that strengthen a community. Marked segregated plots for the fraternal deceased remain, including the B.P.O.E. (Elks) and Knights of Pythias sections. An early historic cemetery plat (Appendix F) indicates other areas set aside for the G.A.R.(Union Army), the I.O.O.F. (Oddfellows), and the A.F. & A.M. (Masons). In the town of Telluride ethnic groups such as Italians, Finns, Anglos, Swedes, and Mexicans lived in separate and distinct communities. At the Lone Tree cemetery these divisions are transformed into fraternal and social segregation.
2) Methodology:
The results of this project are a combination of several resources. A survey crew assigned survey numbers and constructed a map of all physical features within the cemetery. All graves were photographed using a 35 mm camera, and photographs of selected views and graves were taken using a 4x5 view camera. Subsequently, the cemetery was "walked" and all names and associated information recorded in association with the survey numbers. This information constitutes the bulk of the data base. Primary and secondary historical documents on the region were researched with a focus on specific names and events. This information was then logged into the data base with references cited. The survey numbers were used as identification numbers in the database, map, and photodocumentation. Where specific graves are referenced in this document, the identification number is listed in parenthesis. Photographs which are included in Appendix I are also referenced within the text. Lists from the County that recorded the names and dates of service of the county clerks, sheriffs, etc., were collected and transferred into the data base (Appendix #1). Additionally, the names and dates of service of the Exalted Rulers of the Elk's Club were collected along with the few local church records found. Unfortunately, it was found that death certificates at the County Courthouse were sealed by state decree. Finally, a list of the burials was presented to Elvira Wunderlich and Irene Visintin, two sisters who were born in Telluride in 1912 and 1914 respectively, and have lived continuously in Telluride. Oral histories were taken regarding ethnicity, cause of death, etc.
3) Origins of the Lone Tree Cemetery
L.G. Dennison, one of the early pioneers, noted that the Lone Tree Cemetery was not the first cemetery in the San Miguel Valley. "The early settlers reasoned that this valley would some day be placer mined, so the first cemetery was placed high and dry on the brow of the hill west of Remine Creek, at the head of Keystone, in a quaking aspen grove (1993,19)." The year that this cemetery was established is not noted. Approximately a half dozen grave sites outlined in stone still exists in this aspen grove. It is located on the left side of the road that leads to the present-day Telluride Airport.

Dennison also states that ground for the Lone Tree Cemetery was originally donated by a George S. Andrus, whose son, Edwin, two years of age, was the first to be buried there (#1689; Appendix I, No. 3). The donated land is listed on early maps as the St. James Placer. It is unknown if any part of this placer claim was ever worked. George Cappis, a member of the cemetery board believes that several graves were relocated from the older cemetery, such as "Jonas & Son, 1882 (#1743)."

Of further interest, Dennison noted in his memoirs the preparation of the dead. "The coffins in those days were very crude affairs, just plain wooden boxes. The ladies of the town would line them inside with white cambric, gather a few shavings for pillows and cover the outside with black calico. These caskets had no handles. The reins on the harness were taken off the horses to let the caskets into the grave (1993,19)." Until the construction of local churches, the County Courthouse as well as private homes were used for funeral services.
4) Brief History of the Cemetery Board:
Until the mid-1950's, individual plots were cared for by family, but the cemetery itself had no governing body. In 1956, a female civic group named the Commonweal Girls circulated a petition requesting a 1.0 mill levy for the upkeep of the Lone Tree Cemetery. The measure passed, and a cemetery board was appointed by the County Commissioners. Issues such as the building of a tool shed, the hiring of a caretaker, spraying for weeds, and the mowing of grass were addressed. At the time burial plots were priced at $20 for local residents and $25 for non-residents. In 1958, the first paid employee was hired. In 1964, cement copings were prohibited. In 1990, an automatic sprinkling system was installed. Cemetery records are intact, and begin from the year 1895. Cemetery plots are now priced at $350. The cemetery board still administers a mill levy, hires a caretaker, and attends to the care of the cemetery.
5) Location of the Cemetery
The original town in the valley was named "San Miguel City," established in 1877 and located approximately one mile west of present day Telluride, near the Texaco gas station. This put the population in closer proximity to the first cemetery in the valley as noted by Dennison. Population moved east with the incorporation of Columbia in 1878, which was renamed Telluride in 1881. In 1883 the new community became the county seat. Telluride had the advantage of being closer to the mines as well as allowing the consumption of alcohol within the town limits. Two miles further east towards the end of the box canyon, a second community evolved by the name of Pandora. This was where the mills were located, processing the ore that was sent down from the basins above. With a population trend towards the eastern part of the canyon, the Saint James Placer was an ideal location for a cemetery. It was located between the towns of Telluride and Pandora, on a hilly section to the north of the San Miguel River. With a southern exposure, the hillside stayed relatively free of snow, an important attribute as the winter was a time of death in the mountains.
6) Preservation/Condition of the Cemetery.
The cemetery is located at an elevation of 8,800 feet in a mountainous region known for long and severe winters. In spite of the climate, the stones and monuments are generally in good condition. This can be attributed to several factors:

A) The cemetery is relatively young, with the oldest stones being less than 115 years old.

B) The most common burial marker is a cement coping at ground level, with name, date of birth and death stamped into the cement. The majority of plots are oriented with the writing facing to the east or west, with the center portion of the cemetery facing south. As the cemetery lies on a northern slope, in many cases the forces of gravity have buried the birth date under a thin layer of moss and soils, helping in preservation. The date of death is in a more exposed condition; weathering has resulted in loss of this data at a higher frequency.

C) Monuments and markers above ground level are predominantly of stone, with granite being of highest frequency. The majority of granite markers remain legible as the polished granite is particularly impervious to weathering. Marble is the stone of second choice, primarily affiliated with names of Italian descent. Softer than granite, and with a homogeneous texture, the marble has a higher frequency of eroded text. A third type of marker used is a raised slab of cement (usually 12-16") with stamped text. Softer than marble, the exposed surface has a tendency to weather. Also, lichen has an affinity to this material, further obscuring the text. Fortunately, these markers were not commonly used. A few examples of sandstone markers also exist; these generally had complete or partial deterioration. In some instances, stone markers were placed over earlier concrete markers, aiding in the retention of valuable information. Illustration No. 9 in Appendix I shows a variety of types and styles of markers.

D) Few wooden markers remain. The ones that do are generally illegible. Two remain legible due to the use of paint. The paint acted as a protective coating and the painted portion has weathered slower than the wood , resulting in the letters appearing in relief (#1795,#1796; Appendix I, No. 6).
7) Causes of Mortality:
There were many ways of dying in the mining communities of the Rocky Mountains in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Mining was a profession full of hazards. Medical care was scarce. Public health was inadequate with water supplies often tainted and sanitation issues unaddressed. Winters were harsh and houses poorly insulated. Included in the following are several patterns of mortality during the development of the Telluride region.

A) Medical Care and Public Health:
During most of the history of Telluride, professional medical care was in short supply. The Old Miner's Hospital was constructed in 1893 to address the medical needs of the community. The number of resident doctors fluctuated, and it is difficult to discern whether staffing requirements were adequately met. For every doctor there seems to have been several nurse assistants. Two photographs of the hospital reside in the archives of the Telluride Historical Museum. One, dating from around 1898, shows five nurses standing on the front porch of the hospital. Another, taken during the miner's strikes when state militia occupied the hospital as a barracks, shows four militia men and four nurses and a woman who may be Dr. Brown standing in front of the building. During this period union miners were turned away from the hospital. The union created its own hospital facilities in the Miner's Union building, located on Columbia Avenue. During periods of epidemic, local saloons were recruited as emergency hospitals (Clifton;1990,50).

References to more than one doctor in residence in Telluride are infrequent. The initial news report on the disastrous Smuggler-Union fire of November 20, 1901 reports: "Word was at once telephoned to town for doctors and Dr. J.Q. Allen, Doctor Ochsner, Doctor Barnes, and Doctor deLannoy mounted horses and hurried up the hill...Doctor Clark was also sent for...(Daily Journal, Nov. 20, 1901)." During the scarlet fever and diphtheria epidemic of 1905, Clifton (1990;12) reports: "The two male Medical Doctors and Dr. Brown, the lady doctor, were on duty day and night for many weeks." In 1940, Dr. Parker was the physician in residence. That same year, Dr. George C. Baderstron, a practicing physician at the same hospital, performed an appendectomy on himself (Fetter, 1979;140). Given the large population of Telluride, it can be inferred that nurses provided a great deal of the primary medical care during the town's mining history.

Numerous public health hazards existed in the Telluride region. During the heyday of the mining boom, 5,000 persons are said to have inhabited the town. Hundreds of mules used the streets daily, and fecal matter was common. The town dump was within city limits, located where Shandoka Apartments now stand. Dead animals and human refuse were left to fester within close proximity. Raw sewage ran into the San Miguel River as well as toxic waste from the mills of Pandora. Air quality was poor due to the use of coal and wood as heating sources. Diseases such as scarlet fever, diphtheria, and cholera proliferate in such an environment. During outbreaks, the most common preventative measure was the closing of the schools and meeting halls.

Self medication was common among the working class as miners were paid a day's wage for a day's work. Newspapers of the period abound with advertisements for unpatented medicines, whose major ingredient was often alcohol. A few examples from a single issue of the Telluride Daily Journal (Jan. 4, 1897) are as follows:

"Excuse me," observed the man in spectacles, "but I am a surgeon, and that is not where the liver is." "Never you mind where his liver is," retorted the other. "If it was in his big toe or his left ear DeWitt's Little Early Risers would reach it and snake it for him. On that you can bet your gig-lamps." J.C. Anderson & Co.

Dr. J.C. Bishop of Agnew, Mich., says: "I have used Foley's Honey and Tar in three very severe cases of pneumonia the past month, with good results." J.C. Anderson & Co.

The old lady was right when she said the child might die if they waited for the doctor. She saved the little one's life with a few doses of One Minute Cough Cure. She had used it for croup before. J.C. Anderson & Co.

Cascarets stimulate liver, kidneys, and bowels. Never sicken, weaken, or gripe. 10c. Guaranteed the finest ever sold in Telluride. Leave orders at livery barn, or at E.M. Noble's store.

The health hazards inherent in a mining community, the sparsity of trained medical staff, and the common use of unpatented medicines most likely accounted for many premature deaths.

B) Epidemics:
1. 1905 Scarlet Fever and Diphtheria Epidemic:
Clifton (1990,12) reports that during the winter of 1905, there was an epidemic of both scarlet fever and diphtheria among the children of Telluride. Many of the critically ill had both diseases at the same time. Three doctors administered to the town's population; the schools were closed and many homes had large red signs at the front and back doors stating "Quarantine, Keep Out."

2. Influenza Epidemic of 1918:
The influenza epidemic of 1918 and 1919 was one of the worst human catastrophes in history. It has been estimated that more than 20 million people around the world died during the epidemic, and of the 20 million people who contracted the illness in the United States, approximately 850,000 died (Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. 23,748).

In the fall of 1918, at the close of World War I and with the beginning of winter setting in, the epidemic struck Telluride. The first week of October, the flu hit suddenly and severely and lasted ten weeks (Clifton:1990,50-51). Wenger (1978,58) estimates that during this winter Telluride lost 10% of its population. The Telluride Hospital was soon full, with miners being carried down from the mines each day. Two saloons were converted into emergency hospitals. Schools and theaters were closed, and large gatherings prohibited (Clifton:1990,50). Miners were particularly predisposed to lung infections due to the fact that their lungs were contaminated with fine quartz dust, a common ailment known as 'miner's consumption.' As with most epidemics, the flu hit the old and young particularly hard. The epidemic eventually subsided, but returned for a second round during the winter of 1919.

C) "Miner's Consumption":
A common ailment associated with heavy coughing and lung infections, this catch-all phrase describes undiagnosed tuberculosis. Lung infections were prevalent among the mining community of Telluride due to the occupational hazards of dust. At the turn of the century, the population, estimated at 5,000, burned wood and coal during the winter months, creating air pollution and further aggravating lung infections. Additionally, miners generally lived in tight quarters, in dormitories and housing with poor insulation. Tuberculosis thrives in cold, wet, and enclosed conditions. The following advertisement was a common sales gimmick in the local mining papers:

"The person who disturbed the congregation last Sunday by coughing is requested to call on J.C. Anderson & Co. and get a bottle of Foley's Honey and Tar which always gives relief." (Daily Journal, Jan. 4, 1897)."

D) Pneumonia:
Ventilation in the mines was generally poor, and dust and fumes from the black powder and dynamite used for blasting remained in the air for hours after an explosion. Early drills used no water, and produced a fine, sharp dust which clogged a miner's lungs. These machines, dubbed "widow makers" were replaced around the turn of the century when water was used to flush the hole and eliminate dust. This in turn led to cold and wet working conditions (Smith;1994,105-106). The combination of dust, fumes, high altitude, cold, and wet created an environment conducive to contracting pneumonia. Elvira Wunderlich, an old-time resident, recalls this as being the most common manner of death during the mining era of Telluride.

E) Snowslides:
As a general rule of thumb hard rock miners believed that the best lode deposits were at the higher elevations. The numerous basins above Telluride proved this belief accurate. The Tomboy, the Smuggler, Alta, Liberty Bell, the Nellie, and many other mines were all located above 11,000 feet. Also, any slope of more than 30 degrees is a potential avalanche site. Traveling to and from the mines was risky business. Snowslide areas were prevalent, and many a miner died on his way to work. Certain slide areas were particularly notorious and their names and locations well known; Big and Little Elephant, Ajax, Bob-Tail, Ophir, Alta, Cimmaron, and Black Bear were local slide areas that evoked fear amongst those who traveled the area in winter.

T.A. Rickard, a mining engineer who visited the area in September of 1902, wrote the following; "The stretch of country covered by Marshall and Savage basins, and thence to the valley at Pandora, has seen many a snow slide. A long tale of woeful fatalities and romantic heroism could be told concerning these three or four miles of mountain land. In the cemetery at Telluride there are many large graves enclosing the remains of groups of unfortunate miners who were swept into eternity by 'the awful avalanche.' Their resting places are unadorned by showy tombstone or grandiose epitaph (Rickard;1980,41)." This suggests that there are unmarked mass graves in the cemetery dedicated to snowslide victims.

Telluride was an isolated town; when word of an accident occurred, it affected the entire populace. The Liberty Bell Mine snowslide on February 28, 1902 was one of the worst disasters in the town's history. The first slide ran in the early morning with such force that it carried off the boarding house, some bunkhouses, the tramway station, and the ore-loading house. A rescue team was formed to dig out survivors. While working the slope, a second slide came down, killing a number of the rescue workers. While retreating, a third slide took three more lives. In all, nineteen men perished and ten were hurt in this single event.

Dennison (1993;103) records the following:
"A corrected list of the casualties (Daily Journal; March 1, 1902) is as follows:
George Rohwer (#1134), William Gregory (#1131), Louis Lundberk, Olaf Swanson, Andrew Aho, J.H. Cederberg, H.S. Summerland, Gus Kraul, F.C. Clemmer, Gus Swanson (#938), Wade Crow, E. Bishop, L.D. Stanley, Harry A. Chase, Gus VonFitel, John R. Powell, Paul Dalprez, Harry Trowbridge, and Reddin Bugher(#1327)."

Note: Survey numbers indicate graves that are part of the data base (4 of 19)

That winter three additional men perished from snowslides, making the winter of 1902 the most dangerous winter in the region's history.

Snowslides are a regular event in the San Juan Mountains. Winter begins in the mountains as early as September and continues until late June, offering ample opportunity for avalanche conditions. One of the earliest recorded slides occurred during Christmas of 1883 in the vicinity of the Mendota Mine. A slide swept away the shaft house just as men were leaving their bunks in the early morning, killing thirteen of the sixteen men employed there (Daily Journal, Nov. 23, 1901). Decades later, on April 2, 1926, a husband and wife were killed when an avalanche struck the boarding house of the Black Bear Mine (#493). In 1928, the Ajax slide claimed two more lives (Fetter;1977,135).

The Lone Tree Cemetery has several epitaphs referring to natural disasters such as these. Charles Weller (#858) died in a snowslide on his birthday on October 18, 1888. Fourteen years later, on November 19, 1902, his brother, Harry Weller (#859), also died in a snowslide. One mass grave with "All Killed by Snowslide, Jan. 26, 1886" etched into the cement coping contains the following names (#1731): Joseph Preest, D. Overstreet, M.J. Mitchell, Wm. Harford (Appendix I, No. 5).

F) Mining Accidents:
Mining is a dangerous business, involving the use of dynamite and the removal of large amounts of ore. The work was backbreaking, and fatigue was a fact of life. Nitroglycerin from exploded dynamite often caused severe migraine headaches. Cold, dark conditions prevailed, and the smallest errors in judgment could result in death. Smith (1994,107) reports that the most common cause of death was premature explosions, accounting for about half of all fatal accidents. Other hazards included large slabs of rock falling from a roof, cave-ins, and geologic instability. Miners could fall hundreds of feet down shafts, or buckets of ore could fall from above. Poorly insulated electrical wires offered death by electrocution. Machinery could malfunction; the cage a miner was riding could wind onto a drum or the cable could break. A candle dropped into a box of detonators could spell disaster. "Common" causes, such as a rupture that did not heal, an infected wound, or heart attacks also felled miners.

The government did not require mining companies to keep records on job-related injuries and deaths. It was not in the company's interest to do so. The frequency of reports in the local press as well as the epitaphs in the cemetery give testimony to the grisly hazards of the profession.

G) Fires:
Fires were the scourge of most mining communities. Building construction was typically wood frame with heating by wood and coal. Residences within town and in the high basins were generally built close together. Within this context, any fire had the potential of burning out of control.

Two fires were particularly deadly in the history of the region. They are as follows:

1. Smuggler-Union Fire, November 20, 1901
A load of hay burst into flames at the mouth of the Bullion adit and set fire to the adjoining buildings on November 20, 1901. Drafts sucked smoke into the tunnels, endangering the new shift of miners inside. The tunnel was ordered dynamited too late, and many men died while trying to rescue their companions. Fetter (1970;105-106) reports the deaths of twenty-eight men. The issues of the Daily Journal from November 20-21, 1901 reports twenty-four deaths and lists the names of the deceased as follows:

John Rasoi John Nevala Allan Hendrickson Kaule Maki Wm. Merrifield Thorvald Torkelson (#1220) John Peterson Emil Dalstrom Louis Dorzaga Wm. Jones (#937) Wm. A. Graham Frank Zadra (#2036) Mark Zadra (#2037) Gus Sundborg Oberto Refati Antoine Anese Matt Starck John Ahone Carey Barkly Iva Sundstrom Alik Fellman (#1024) Joe Nelson Hugh O'Neil August Kaanta (#1085) Note: Survey numbers indicate graves that are part of the data base (6 of 24).

The ensuing mass funeral on November 23, 1901 was the largest event ever held at the Lone Tree Cemetery. The Daily Journal (Nov. 23, 1901) reported:

"By actual count there were over 1,200 men in the funeral procession this afternoon, the procession six abreast in close order, reaching six blocks. That is exclusive of vehicles...There were at least 2,500 in the procession all told."

Wenger (1978,23) recalls the following:
"I recall going to the morgue while the dead miners were being brought down from the Smuggler fire. The undertaking establishment had only two rooms and the miners' bodies were placed on top of each other, criss-cross like cordwood. We also watched the funeral procession. In those days the livery stables had what they called 'transfer wagons,' each being a large wagon with a flat top extending about two feet beyond and over the wheels. About five of these transfer wagons were used in the mass funeral given the victims of the Smuggler fire. Four or five coffins were carried on each of the wagons which had been draped with broadcloth. All of the coffins were plain black and not fancy like they are made today.

"The funeral procession was the longest in the history of Telluride. The miner's union from Ouray and Silverton attended en-toto and the procession was just entering the Lone Tree Cemetery when the last of the marchers were leaving Redman's Opera House, then located just south of the present Telluride Transfer Building."

2. Smuggler Mill Fire, June 24, 1920
The Smuggler Mill fire of June 24, 1920, resulted in great loss of property, but only one life, that of Lee Long. Lee Long was a popular and well-known local fireman associated with his two well-trained horses, Beachy and Barney. While racing to the fire, Long's skull was crushed after being thrown from the fire wagon (Fetter, 1970;124-125).

The Smugger Mill fire was a spectacular one. Flames leapt one hundred feet into the air, and the whole landscape was a red glow, lighting the surrounding cliffs, records Alma Clifton (1990;60). The fire spread quickly, and consumed the flotation mill, office, store, assay office, and several other buildings. The mill burned to the ground at a loss estimated to be between $125,000 and $250,000 (Fetter, 1970;125). With the realization that modern fire equipment may have lessened the disaster, Bulkeley Wells, supervisor of most of the mines in the area, offered $2,000 towards obtaining a motorized fire truck. City officials raised an additional $3,000 for the purchase, a banner event in the history of the Telluride Fire Department.

Grave of Thorvald Torkelson, #1220
The epitaph reads, "Here rests the body of a dear husband who lost his life in the Smuggler Union Mine Nov. 20, 1901 in trying to save the lives of others. Missed by a loving wife."

H) Alcohol:
Alcohol was the fuel of many a mining boom, and Telluride proved no exception. Saloons were everywhere and dance halls thrived; it is reported that in 1891 there were 69 saloons within town limits (Fetter;1970,80). Strict rules prohibited the drinking of alcohol in the mining camps, and when miners came to town for an evening of relaxation, binge drinking was the norm. Gambling and prostitution prospered and alcohol abuse was common. As a public health issue, the congregating of miners in taverns for some well-earned relief must have had an impact on the region's mortality figures. Aside from the brawling, shootings, and muggings reported in the local papers with regular frequency, alcohol, which weakens the body, when combined with "miner's consumption," pneumonia, and the like, often proved fatal. Newspaper advertisements for self-cures were common, indicating the prevalence of alcohol abuse.

I) Suicide:
Members of the mining community came from many foreign lands seeking the "American Dream," a better life. Removed from family and country, isolated in a harsh environment, and laboring for minimal pay, they found a harsh reality. This lead to depression, and when an abundance of alcohol or drugs was added, suicide sometimes became a reality. Fortunately, the Register of Deaths from the Congregational Church have been preserved and reside in the public library (Appendix D). One hundred and fifty entries between the years 1889 and 1896 record seven deaths as 'suicide.' Three of these were male, three were female, and one is listed just with initials. Other listings, such as "Trixie Green, morphine, on the line" or "John Lord, from drinking" may indicate even higher frequencies. Occasional news articles also indicate suicidal tendencies, such as an article in the Nov. 20, 1901 issue of the Daily Journal; "Self Murder in a Dance House."
8) The Labor Strikes of 1901-1904:
The turn of the century was a turbulent time in Telluride. Wages, hours, and safety concerns became burning issues amongst the miners. The winter of 1901-1902 was the most dangerous winter in the history of the region. Twenty-four miners perished in the Smuggler-Union Fire of Nov. 20, 1901. Nineteen perished in the Liberty Bell Snowslide of February 28, 1902. That same winter three more miners died from snowslides, and two from premature explosions. In all there were nearly fifty mining-related deaths in a single winter. Resentment filled the ranks of the laborers.

The Telluride Miner's Union, No. 63 of the Western Federation of Miners was headed by a tireless proponent of worker's rights by the name of Vincent St. John. He is described in literature as "a talented, dedicated, mild-mannered organizer with a patrician face to match the name (Williams;1977,1)." The success of the union was largely attributed to his organizational abilities. Estimates of membership run as high as 75% of the adult male population at the turn of the century. The prominence and quality of the miner's union building on Columbia Avenue is indicative of the power and prestige of the union in Telluride. Militant tendencies among the rank and file hardened and prevailed, and a war erupted between labor and capital interests. This period of time (1901-1904) became known as the "Great Telluride Strike."

On July 3, 1901, 250 armed and angry union members filed up the Tomboy Road to the Smuggler-Union mine. Protesting the newly enacted Cornish system of contract mining, they waited quietly until the night shift of recently hired scabs emerged from the Bullion Tunnel. A Finlander by the name of John Barthell stood upon a boulder and announced to the startled nonunion miners that they were under arrest. A shot was fired and Barthell fell dead (#1003). In the following skirmish, two company strikebreakers were also killed. The mine superintendent, a shift boss, and a sheriff's deputy were wounded. When the "scabs" surrendered, they were marched barefoot over Imogene Pass and told never to return. This led to a pattern of physical abuse and mass deportations by both sides over the ensuing years.

The funeral services for Barthell were conducted by W.S. Hunt of the Congregational Church of Telluride. The Rev. Hunt was in favor with the union until he preached his sermon. On that occasion he pointed out how unnecessary the deaths were and denounced violence and lawlessness, stating that nothing could be gained by the methods that had been employed. This did not sit well with the miners, who considered Barthell a martyr to the cause. They boycotted the church, and within a year caused the resignation of the minister (Denver Republican; Dec. 28, 1902).

On July 4, 1902, a thousand union miners marched to the Lone Tree Cemetery to erect a monument to labor's "martyr," John Barthell. This is the largest and most prominent monument in the cemetery (Appendix I, No. 2). On the monument is engraved lines from the poet Longfellow:

"In the world's broad field of battle, In the bivouac of life, Be not the dumb driven cattle, Be a hero in the strife."
9) Fraternal Organizations:
Many miners were bachelors or had left their families behind. Fraternal organizations were extremely popular throughout the mining districts of the West, as they offered discourse, entertainment, education, social prestige, and political unity; for those far from birthplace and family, they offered a form of security. Lodge insurance offered through many of these organizations provided both burial insurance and assistance to widows and children if a married miner was physically disabled or killed (Clifton;1990,20). Charles Merz, writing in 1927, estimated that there were 800 different fraternal associations in the United States and that 30 million of the 60 million people in the United States (1920 census) held membership in some fraternal group (Schmidt;1980,3).

A Societies column from the Telluride Daily Journal of 1897 lists eleven separate organizational meetings for the first week of January. Many, like the Bridal Veil Lodge and the Cornet Falls Lodge, were unique to Telluride. Others were local chapters of national organizations, such as the Woodsmen of the World, the Elks, Masons, Knights of Pythias, Odd Fellows, Macabees, and the Foresters of America. There were also a number of women's auxiliaries as well as junior organizations for children. By 1905, there were over twenty active clubs in the area.

Today, the original Masonic Lodge on Telluride's main street still stands. While membership is presently inactive, the large, two story brick structure bears testimony to the importance of fraternal organizations in the social fabric of Telluride. A highly active Elk's Club still resides in a new building, and the Rotary Club has been active for the last fifty years. Finn Hall is now a private residence, and the Swede-Finn Hall is a tavern. Symbols of fraternal affiliation are abundant in the Lone Tree Cemetery and span the decades. One cemetery area is partitioned off for the Elks by a retaining wall. The historic plats show areas designated for the Grand Army of the Republic, the Oddfellows, the Knights of Pythias (Appendix I, No. 7), and the Masons (Appendix I, No. 8). A list of emblems of fraternal organizations found in the cemetery is as follows.

Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks Fraternal Order of Eagles
Independent Order of Odd Fellows Rebekah Organization
Freemasons Order of the Eastern Star
Knights of Pythias Rotary International
Woodsmen of the World Women of Woodcraft
S.N.P.J.



G.A.R. Section Marker






B.P.O.E. Section Corner Marker
10) Symbols:
According to Jung (1964;208), stones evoke an "eternal" quality. Used for memorials (Mt. Rushmore) as well as to mark places of worship (Temple of Jerusalem) stones evoke spirituality. Throughout the history of humankind, stones have been used as tombstones, boundary stones, or objects of religious veneration. A cemetery such as the Lone Tree Cemetery reflects this unconscious symbol-making propensity (Jung;1964,232-233). The collection of tombstones en toto reflect the eternal.

Regarding individual tombstones, one must reflect on the symbols and epitaphs that a person or their survivors chooses to carry with them "to eternity." The cemetery is full of markers which have been embellished with specific symbols to accent the deceased's association.. A cursory review of the Lone Tree Cemetery indicates a wide range of symbols that can be categorized generally as follows:

A.) Religious motifs.
B.) Symbols of Fraternal Society affiliation.
C.) Symbols of Occupational vocation.
D.) Symbols of leisure activity.
E.) Symbols of lineage, i.e., family crests.

A full investigation of this complex subject is beyond the scope of this project. Examples of the above categories are illustrated below:

A) Religious motifs:
As far as can be seen, the Lone Tree Cemetery is exclusively a Christian cemetery. Although newspapers note conducting Jewish religious services at private homes, no Jewish symbols are in evidence at the cemetery. No Islamic, Buddhist, nor other major world religions are in evidence. There are no ethnic surnames indicative of geographic locales where Christianity is not a major focus. The cross has the highest rate of occurrence of any symbol in the cemetery. Other motifs which appear are Mary, Mother of God, hands in prayer, the gates of Heaven, open bibles, lambs, and angels. Religious floral motifs inlcude Christmas roses, grapes and vines, lilies, columbine, and poinsettia.



The Latin Cross, the most common motif in the cemetery, ID #1701



Metal Crucifix affixed to a cast concrete marker, ID #1191



Lamb motif; strong association with infant deaths, ID # 1759



Reclining Angel, ID #1756




Lily of the Valley, ID #1140




The gates of heaven, with an open bible, ID #1227



An open bible with an anchor and the words "Love, Life, Truth," ID #1190

B) Symbols of Fraternal Society affiliation:
The following symbols are depicted on markers in the Lone Tree Cemetery:

a. Benevolent and Protective Order of Elks: The symbol of the Elks organization includes a clock pointed at 11, representing the time meetings are halted to honor absent members.

b. Fraternal Order of Eagles: The eagle and the initials "F,O,E" indicate membership in the Fraternal Order of Eagles.

c. Independent Order of Odd Fellows: The three links in the symbol and the initials "F,L,T," (representing friendship, love, and truth) indicate membership in the Independent Order of Odd Fellows. The initials "I.O.O.F.." are also used. The three links appear on the arch of this unusual double marker. (ID #1765)

d Rebekah Organization: Rebekah is the women's auxiliary of the I.O.O.F.., similar to the relationship between the Eastern Star and the Masons. The symbol is an "R."

e. Knights of Pythias: The two weapons, knight's headpiece, triangular motif, and the initials "F,C,B" indicate membership in the Knights of Pythias (Appendix I, No. 7).

f. Freemasonry (A.F. & A.M.): One of the largest and oldest fraternal organizations in the world. The goals of Freemasonry are to promote brotherhood and to foster morality among its members. Originating from the cathedral building/guild period of 900-1600 A.D., the square and compass reflect tools of the trade (Appendix I, No. 8).

g. Order of the Eastern Star: The Order of Eastern Star is an organization for women relatives of Masons who have achieved at least the degree of Master Mason. This fraternal organization is affiliated with Masonry, but is separate from Masonry's basic structure. The symbol is a five-pointed star (Appendix I, No. 8).

h. Woodsmen of the World: Incorporated in Colorado in 1890, this fraternal benefit society was a popular society among the region's mining community. Many Woodsmen markers are stone, carved to appear as logs or tree stumps. (ID #1737)

i. Women of Woodcraft: An affiliation of Woodsmen of the World. (ID #818)

j. Rotary International: The symbol of the Rotary International organization, a society of business persons, is a six-spoke cog.

k. S.N.P.J.: All that is known at present of this organization is that there was a lodge in Durango during the 1930's. The obituary of Baldo Jellich states that representatives of "S.M.P.J. (sic) Lodge #40 from Durango" attended to his funeral rites (ID #1506). Further information on this fraternal organization has not been found.

C) Symbols of Occupational Vocation:
The major industry of the Telluride region was hard rock mining, but for every miner in the hills there was a merchant, service provider, or rancher providing the necessities for the mining industry. Examples include hard rock miners and picks and shovels, livestock brands such as that of the Collins family, the emblem of the American Medical Association, barber emblems, and homemaker motifs.

D) Symbols of Leisure Activity:
The San Juan Mountains offer numerous recreational activities. Fishing, hunting, hiking, and other outdoor activities often enhance the lifestyle of the local inhabitants. Several "passions" have made their way onto the tombstones of the Lone Tree cemetery. They are generally on more recent markers. A few examples include hunting and fishing motifs, Mickey Mouse on a child's grave, musical instruments, and golf - the "19th hole."

Marker with symbols representing the occupation of a barber, as well as an interest in fishing (ID #497)

E) Symbols of Lineage, i.e., family crests:
Telluride was essentially a working class community. Most of the inhabitants would be considered "blue collar." Family lineages are apparent through clusters of family plots. Family crests, generally indicative of upper class lineage are very rare, although there are some possible examples in the cemetery.

F) Photographs of the Deceased:
Some monuments include photographs of the deceased. The photographs were printed on porcelain or tin, and affixed to the marker.

Photograph of Nick Mattri (ID #908)
11) Epitaphs:
Complementing the symbols used throughout the Lone Tree Cemetery, epitaphs convey information about the history of the region. Most markers tend to be minimalist; name, date of birth, date of death. Many do, however, contain additional information which can roughly be categorized into the following categories:

Emotional Homage:
"Rest in Peace" (#1679), "Gone but not forgot." (#1464), "Not dead but sleepeth (#1528), "And a merry old soul was he." (#101)

Familial relations:
"Our boys" (#1654), "Mother" (#1233), "Baby" (#1453), "Anna R., wife of G.S. York" (#1133)

Religious motif: "Not my will but thine be done." (#1227), "An honest man's the noblest work of God."(#1393)

Prose and Poetry:
"A precious one from us has gone;
A voice we loved is stilled;
A place is vacant in our home;
Which never can be filled." (#1253)

Cause of Death:
"Soffocati nela Smuggler Mine" (#973), "Killed in snowslide"(#859), "Murdered by an Indian" (#494)

Lifetime Achievements:
"Past Master Lodge #56" (#142), "Here rests a Woodsman of the World" (#1645), "School teacher Olathe, 31 years" (#105)

Historical Reference:
"Two of the first pioneers of San Miguel, settled in 1878" (#1698, Appendix I, No. 4), "True pioneers of Telluride" (#1091)
12) Selected Patterns within the Lone Tree Cemetery:
A) Gender:
Of the 1,270 documented burials, 761 males and 399 females have been identified, with 110 of unknown gender (Chart A). This is approximately a 2:1 ratio of male/female, a typical pattern in a remote mining community. Many miners were bachelors, and some married miners chose not to bring their families to frontier communities. Women have long been considered a civilizing influence on a community, and the stated ratio reflects the isolation of a mountain mining town.

Chart B
Chart B notes the change in the female/male ratio by decade. It is interesting to note a 10% increase in female deaths during the decade of the 1890's. This may be attributable to the arrival of the RGS railroad in 1891, making the Telluride and the surrounding region more accessible. As the region's population boomed, the number of women increased, as reflected in the number and ratio of deaths during this same period. A second 10% increase in the female/male ratio occurred during the decade of 1940's. This may be attributed to "men going off to war," as opposed to an actual increase in the female population.

B) Causes of Death:
Johnny Stevens, a life-long resident of Telluride, recalls that during his youth there were "young people and old people and a few in the middle." He also recalls "an inordinate amount of widows, which was a result of accidents in the mines," (S.M.C. Post, Feb. 21, 1996;13).

The causes of death are known for 91 of the burials in the cemetery and are tabulated in Chart C. This number cannot be considered a random sample, and is not reflective of the entire data base. It does, however, give a glimpse of the dangers involved in living in a high altitude mining environment. As noted, accidents, suicide, and murder combine for half of all recorded causes of death. However, these types of death are more likely to be noted in permanent records. Clearly the Telluride region was a dangerous environment, especially for men.

C) Age of Death:
Chart D shows the age of death in the Lone Tree Cemetery by gender. As indicated, the ages between birth and nine years were the most dangerous period, accounting for 163, or 14.7% of the data base. These figures support the notion that the mountain environment was extremely hazardous to the young. Exposure to the elements, inadequate insulation in the dwellings, public health epidemics such as diphtheria, scarlet fever, and influenza, and common ailments such as pneumonia, all combined to make Telluride a dangerous place for the young.

After childhood, gender-specific patterns are evident. For males, the greatest number (114, or 18.6%) of deaths occurred between the ages of 40 and 49. This can be attributed to the rigors of mining and the adverse environment of the San Juan Mountains. For females who had survived childhood, the ages between 70 and 79 years of age had the greatest frequency (62, or 20.5%). Clearly, women were sheltered from many of the adverse conditions experienced by the men. Of the 31 persons to surpass the ripe age of 90, only 8, or 26% were male.

Simple child's marker, "Infant Son of George and Lena," ID #1377

D) Ethnicity:
Engravings on headstones in Italian, Swedish, and a few other languages, as well as notations of birthplace indicate a large number of foreign-born individuals. A predominance of non-Anglicized names also infer a foreign labor force. These patterns are further bolstered by remembrances of elders of this community and obituaries from local papers.

316 persons have been identified by ethnicity. This aspect of the data base, however, must be discussed with extreme caution. The initials "(E.W.)" in the data base are shorthand to indicate the remembrances of two elders of the Telluride community, Elvira Wunderlich and Irene Visintin. As they are Tyrolean by descent, it is natural that they would remember a higher number of Tyrolean names than, say, Polish or Finn. The side of the town that they grew up in centered around St. Patrick's Catholic Church, and their neighbors were primarily Tyrolean, Italian, and Irish. Also, while they remembered a particular family as being German, for example, the children of that family could in fact be first generation American.

In spite of these problems, Chart F indicates the place of origin of the identified population. It accounts for 22 separate ethnic groups from twenty nations. Other nationalities, particularly Mexican and Chinese, are known to have resided in historic Telluride and are notable in their absence. Some former countries, such as Tyrol and Yugoslavia, no longer exist.

The emerging pattern is one of large numbers of foreign-born people coming to Telluride to work. Many of these people came from the Scandinavian countries and were accustomed to the trials of severe winters. Others, such as the Tyroleans, Austrians, and Swiss, came from mountain environments and were accustomed to work in the higher elevations. Still others, such as the Irish, Welsh, and Scots, came from areas already known for mining activity.

Only 13% of the identified population came from the United States. The vast majority of these originated from outside the state of Colorado, primarily from the East and mid-Western portions of the states. Many came to Telluride by way of other mining camps, following the booms. Surprisingly, only one individual has been specifically identified as having been born in Telluride. Three others note local birthplaces: Ophir, Ironton, and Montrose.

Italian marker, Giovanni B. Nardin, ID #723
Klara Jelic, ID #1504

E) Military Affiliation:
Many of the inhabitants of Telluride were recent arrivals from foreign shores. United States citizenship was a valuable and highly valued commodity. Patriotism ran high, as witnessed by the annual Fourth of July celebrations. Entry into the Armed Services was a rite of passage for many a miner's son.

A benefit of honorable discharge from the service is a military tombstone at the time of death. Fifty-two military headstones (4.2%) exist in the Lone Tree Cemetery. These headstones represent both Union and Confederate soldiers in the Civil War (a specific section was established for the G.A.R.), participation in the Spanish American War and in World Wars I and II, as well as the armed conflicts of Korea and Vietnam. They also indicate participation in every branch of the Armed Services.

It should be noted that this number does not constitute all participants in military activities over the decades. For example, soldiers who fought and died in the two World Wars were often buried on foreign soil. Military headstones are an optional benefit and most likely not chosen by all. It should also be noted that, despite the number of military headstones in the Lone Tree Cemetery, only one person chose to include the American Legion emblem on his headstone.

Charts G & H indicate both Combat Service and Military affiliation. Of interest is the fact that 31% of enlisted men from the alpine environment of Telluride chose the radical change of enlistment in the Navy.

F) Fraternal Affiliations:
Including multiple affiliations, one hundred individuals accounting for 103 separate affiliations have been identified. Twelve separate organizations are represented. The Elks account for the largest participation, which can be justified by the fact that they are the longest active organization in Telluride and that more information on individual participation can be documented. Previous influence can be inferred by the fact that the B.P.O.E. section of the cemetery is the best defined of all the fraternal sections. The Masons have the second highest frequency. Given the stature of the Mason building on Colorado Avenue, this comes as no surprise. Chart I summarizes the available information.
12) Conclusions:
The Cemetery Board estimates that there are more than 2,000 burials in the Lone Tree Cemetery, many without headstones or markers. Of this set, 1,270 individuals associated with headstones comprise the present data base. Sixty-five of these individuals are associated with headstones/markers that either do not indicate the name of the individual, or are weathered and the information illegible. Twelve individuals are associated with headstones/ markers that do not include surnames. An additional five individuals are associated with headstones/markers by initials only. In total, 1,188 individuals can be identified by name and associated with a headstone/marker.

There is a tendency to assume that those buried in the Lone Tree Cemetery reflect the past population of the Town of Telluride. Unfortunately, a brief review of the published literature on the history of the town indicates that this may not necessarily the case. While the cemetery includes graves of known figures from Telluride's past, many past inhabitants cannot be found in the cemetery. An example of this phenomena is the Smuggler-Union fire of November 20, 1901. Twenty four names of the dead were published in the local press. Of this number, only six of the deceased can be associated with a headstone/marker in the Lone Tree Cemetery. This may be due in part to the lack of placement of a permanent marker. Numerous metal markers which once held identifying cards are located throughout the cemetery; the cards have since become illegible. It is also likely that more wood markers once existed, but were not replaced as they deteriorated. Also, as indicated by an examination of the church records, many bodies may have been shipped out of the community to families "back home". The number of burials with little or no association with the daily Telluride past is also an unknown, as it may be reasoned that deceased were also sent "back home" to Telluride. In short, the cemetery is not a "closed" system. Analysis of categories such as gender, ethnicity, military affiliation, and age of death impart an indication of past patterns, but it is impossible to assess the statistical validity of the measurements.

Walking the cemetery grounds, one becomes aware of "associations." Families are buried together within cement copings or iron fences. Certain burials seem to be particularly close to each other. Others have identical or even shared headstones. This physical information is noted in the "Info" column of the data base. Often these associations are supported by historical research indicating a husband and a wife, etc., which is also noted in the data base.

The Lone Tree Cemetery is a valuable historic resource. Epitaphs such as, "Killed in the Mines," impart a direct relationship between the deceased and the tenor of the town. Scores of infant deaths attest to the hardships of daily life in an isolated valley. Family names such as "Ranta," "Goldsworthy," and "Pera" repeat over the decades and indicate the transition of a mining camp to a community.

The data base associated with this project (Appendix A) can be expanded over time. Individuals may pursue genealogical interests, and hopefully will add information to the data base. Students of history can research obituaries from decades past and upgrade known information. The Oral History Project can be reexamined to glean additional information for the data base. Family members can now easily locate the graves of their ancestors. The Lone Tree Cemetery project helps protect a valuable historical resource while at the same time offering future educational possibilities.
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World Book Encyclopedia

Periodicals

Microfilm: Daily Journal/Telluride; Jan. 2, 1897 to Jan. 28, 1929
Telluride Journal; Feb. 20, 1902 to Dec. 28, 1911,
Jan. 4, 1930 to Dec. 7, 1935
San Miguel Examiner; Sept. 4, 1897 to Dec. 30, 1916
San Miguel Journal; June 3, 1938 to October 30, 1942
Denver Republican; Dec. 28, 1902.
San Miguel County Post, February 21, 1996